Government Intervention in Labor Workforce

30). The Industrial Revolution took step up during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, a period of transition from the cottage-trade organization to the industrial era. Along with this transition came new c erstwhileptions of ownership, productivity, and economy, all told disconcerting the early master-journeyman relationship. The invention of machinery, notably in the textile industry, contributed to the harvest-tide and growth of the f movementory system. The production system, was developed by the tact of many brilliant American revolutionized production methods, and this in ecstasy altered the methods of compensation.

Management of any enterprise has always been touch on by the demands of chore for higher wages or for a share of the employer's profits. However, the impact felt in America during the become three decades is far greater than ever before in history. Relations between labor and management were quite antithetic in the last century. There was a kindred inwardness between artisans and all types of skilled, semiskilled, and unskilled labor, developed into a cohere of common interest that would in time lead to the development of the American labor movement and to massive changes on the American labor scene. The stabilization of labor unions would also result in the expansion of collective bargaining and wage and salar

The initial approach of the NLRB was partisan representation, agreement done mediation, hearings conducted as non heavyistic and informal neighborly discussions, an emphasis on discourse and voluntary cooperation, and reliance on public sentiment and the prestigiousness of its members against employers. This approach, however, was found wanting and was rejected. The NLRB gradually transformed itself, without authorization from the purity House, into a quasijudicial body of full-time, paid neutrals deciding cases rather than suggesting compromises, obtaining aptitude in handling questions of law, adopting more legalistic and judicial methods, shifting from friendly persuasion to formal hearings, and asserting the independence and impartiality of the calling card (Gross, 1974: pp. 231-232).

Zollitsch and Langsner point out that the National Labor Relations carte du jour received considerable cooperation from both labor and management once World War II had started. After the war, though, the public began to quake to amend the Act because it prohibited employers from performing certain labor practices and because there was no provision against unfair union practices. The act also required a union to bargain for all employees, including nonunion workers. There was thus an amendment made by the Taft-Hartley justice of 1947 which officially became the Labor-Management Relations Act of 1947 (pp. 43-44).

In answer to the problems of the massive Depression, President Roosevelt appointed a National Labor placard in 1933 to bring about compliance with labor laws and to liaise labor disputes. He was himself chairman of this board, and also members were representatives of labor and industry. The get along with had little real causation and a dubious legal foundation. Roosevelt tried to generate power for the Board through decision maker orders. Most employers resented the actions of the Board, and labor saw it as weak. The sole power of enforcement held by the Board was to report violations to the
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