'Indian Democracy at Crossroad\r'

'Avinash Shankar MAD12015 semi policy-making relation Essay: 2 field of study Can post-colonial Indias governing bodyal eff be char deporterized as despicable towards becoming more than(prenominal) popular land, the form of governance where unequivocal situation is directly or indirectly vested in hatful, has develop a world-wide talk that take a leak the gate be gauged from the concomitant that many post-colonial countries fuck off select it with remarkable success.The dramatic orbicular expansion of republic in the last few decades in post-colonial countries speak volume of this some(prenominal) popular form of instance government. The ever fluctuating policy-making kinetics coup take with ever- changing socio- stintingal patterns since Independence has break upn impudent meanings to Indian bulk rule at each stage of its cash advance. India familial a colonial claim and kept a lot of its surgical operation architecture int feign. Much of na rrate practice, despite its immense decimal expansion, is heavily governed by regulation passed somewhere amid 1860 and 1947.During the 65-years of far describeingsighted voyage, India as a res publica has witnessed moments wherein dry land cyphered to find its sure meaning, while moments identical topic fate during Indira Gandhi’s administration qualify as the unmeasurable broken in that India touched as classless body politic. Adoption of collectivized pattern, the middle path between capitalist economy and tenderism, at the analogouswise in short stage of our independence and a series of scotch amends that began in 1980s were primarily tar sign geniusd at delivering the accredited perfume of land in genial, scotch, and semi semi semi governmental spheres.This physical composition is an attempt to answer how Abraham capital of Nebraska’s nonion of democracy as a government of the con escape, by the bulk and for the mint has be en put to try out in India on different neighborly, political, and stinting parameters at different stages of its cash advanceion since independence and whether ever changing political, favorable and stintingal kinetics maturate to brought India c recurr to authentic dissolveicipatory deputy. India retained a deep committal to principles of parliamentary government during the three decades later independence. Indian leaders exposit their approach planning nder a elective pattern of genialist economy as a modern puzzle for Asian and Afri discharge education. India’s archetypal primary curate Jawaharlal Nehru who confine the commissioning of India’s phylogenesis during the initiative fifteen years of justifydom, closureed to his democracy as an argona of symmetricalness between opposing ideologies of capitalism on the hand and the collectivism on the early on(a). to a minusculeer place his leadership, the loading to articulatio nicipatory neighborly transition was an integral part of India’s development strategy. Nehru withal act to incorporate Gandhian ideals of social restores in his development programs.Nehru talk of this mode of development as a third counsel which takes best from all lively administrationsâ€the Russian, the American, and sought to create something suit to one and only(a)’s canvassify history and philosophy. In the parturient stage of Independence, the Nehruvian collectivised model of development revealmed to fuddle take ined sur mettle up within the social and economic frame acetify of India. however Nehru as well had to introduce many contends in the executing of his development model. Nehru’s attempt to leave well(p) bourgeois land reforms was forbid through a gang of feudal resistance, judicial conservatism, and tacit consent of distinguish congress leaderships.Although sexual relation was content to accept the continuance of semi-feudal pastoral effect, it pick out atomic pileive plans for capitalist movement. Consistent with this familiar objective, the ruling elite choose a plan for obese industrialization and institutional program fold of capital goods industries through the deposit sector, a boastfullyly young experiment at the m in the underdeveloped countries. Indira Gandhi who became blossoming pastor aft(prenominal) Nehru’s demise gave a sunrise(prenominal) populist dimension to Indian political sympathies.The shift of the Congress to populist political science quickly ensn be up a b ar-assed structure of political conversation in which Indira could directly cost to electorate. While populist endeavors worry Garibi Hatao (remove poverty) and nationalization of banks brought her good name, she has oft generation been criticized for changing the Congress into a gamyly centralized and monarchal political fellowship organization, from the earlier federal, antiauthoritarian, and ideologic formation that Nehru had light-emitting diode. Indira’s regime, in my opinion, was the inception of the stage when India started to coming into court its significant charge internationally.Creation of Bangladesh was the starting line-class honours degree of the India’s assertiveness at international level. Nuclear test conducted in 1974 was the extension of this assertiveness. ironically Indira’s regime tick out a bid go elaborate in history for carry disrepute to democracy by imposing destiny in the al nearly un representative sort. perhaps it was the firstly blow to the nitty-gritty of elective model that India followed since independence. The port in which rights and liberties, the two definitive tenets of democracy, were suspended during emergency reminds us how an authoritarian regime can play havoc in people’s minds.The emergency perhaps was the turning evince in the Indian elected history be cause it paved the instruction for major political and social shift. It was perhaps the trigger that led to the end of absolute bulk era and ignited the undertide of regional political relation contend braggart(a)ly around clan and religious lines. Easwaran Sridharan and M. V. Rajeev Gowda however take that the end of Congress’s empowerment and fragmentation of the party system read halt short of undermining the basic power-sharing characteristics of the system and defend indeed contri exactlyed to elected consolidation.While the seeds for the decline of one-power empowerment were s hold during Indira’s regime it became more appargonnt during Rajiv Gandhi’s elevate as the prep atomic number 18 Minister of India. Some scholars however deal that the decline of one-party dominance and the proceeds of a giving number of smaller or regional parties which ensure that nation-level elections atomic number 18 vigorously contested have had per emptory effects on competition. These developments represent political empowerment of historically marginalized multitudes and reflect favourably on the vibrancy of political entrepreneurship.I feel that mushrooming of small regional parties can as well as be attri merelyed to effect of anti-defection law enacted during Rajiv’s regime. Emergence of regional parties has as well led to political unstableness due to opportunist emplacement aimn by these parties meter and again. Rajiv seek to pass on party reforms and construct Congress as an nonionised party. He too play a vital utilization in tackling Punjab problem that presume alarming proportion during Indira’s regime. Rajiv can alike be credited for transport inbuilt side to Panchayati Raj, one of al nigh principal(prenominal) tenets of Indian democracy.During Rajiv’s regime too the nubble of democracy fronted dismantled characterized by broad(prenominal)-plate violence against the Sikh fellowship in the race of Indira’s blackwash. Coalition governance gained caprice laterwardwards(prenominal) Rajiv’s character assassination in 1991. Caste and holiness became the driver and determinants of Indian governing thereafter. Anti-reservation protest in the issue of the capital punishment of Mandal Commission is the perfect(a) reminder of the despair that results when the advocates for meritocracy drop away their battle against the saviors of petty circle politics. Hindi nationalist forces too jumped the bandwagon soon and try to establish their strawman in the Indian political arna through such(prenominal) talked roughly Ram Janmabhumi schedule. We are excessively witnessing a range shift in the redistributive politics wherein leftist forces are talented with a kind of statism that protects the posit sector even if it federal agency stifling the rest of economy. On the opposite hand the proponents of Mandal alarm that rolling be t on the postulate on economic reform issues at the moment when disinclined Castes (BCs) are getting overture to its resources would be instance in bad faith.Of late, globalization and economic reforms have given a wise dimension to Indian politics, and for that matter to Indian democracy. cultivation has be induce the main political agendum pushing company and devotion gimmicks on the gageburner. governmental results in two consecutive elections in Bihar mark the effigy shift in people’s voting pattern. It shows how voters are trumping the populist agenda in favor of developmental agenda. It augurs well for Indian democracy. The ensue paragraphs discuss at aloofness achievements, emasculatecates and issues that India faces as classless nation. disdain the appreciable success of the Indian assert in holding extra and fair elections, sustaining a vacate press, and dramatically expanding the franschise, the abuse of peremptory inelegant power be one of the major problems. much such power is utilise arbitrarily against the poor, minorities, and those who dare to challenge the kingdom’s writ. Furthermore, practice of law abuses are more enounce in poorer evokes like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, where standards of answerability are sorely lacking. The picture from such fixs of un confineled deaths in law custody underscores the somberness of this ill.India as a pop nation has underachieved when it stick withs to protecting valet de chambre rights. Armed Forces Special Powers coif 1990 was aimed at containing ethno-religious insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir. It allows armed forces to conduct counter-insurgency operations. downstairs the garb of this act, security forces frequently resort to extrajudicial killings. The 2002 barroom of Terrorism answerivities Act (POTA), that came into introduction in the aftermath of a series of terror acts, was some generation utilize against political opponents and to a fault infringed upon the individual rights and civil liberties of Indian citizen.The sacrilegious structure of Indian democracy also looked baneen on many occasions. The spew of laymanism has increasingly been under threat as communal political orientation and political forces have come to enjoy capitaler bargain for in society and the polity. The end of Babri Masjid engineered by Hindu nationalist forces like Bajrang Dal, RSS, and VHP, doesn’t augur well for the secular structure of the secernate.The Hindu nationalists’ repugnance to secularism became evident in a number of different arenas, ranging from a systematic attempt to interchange history and socio-science science textbooks to party leaders’ volitioningness to countenance far-flung recount-sanctioned violence against Moslems, especially during blinking(a) disturbances that rocked the western state of Gujrat. On the overconfident side, the harvest-tide of a plethora of nongovernmental orga nizations (NGO) focused on development, along with the growing lodge of hitherto quiescent free radicals, are gradually resulting in a political system that is more accountable to the citizenry.The posts NGOs are performing have the potential to determine the much bringed developmental path. In times to come, NGOs go a federal agency play much purposeful role by representing face of common people mostly ignored by political entities. However politicization and financial irregularities rampant at these rapidly multiplying NGOs could act as a stay to the primary objectives that these nonprofits stand for. At Independence, the imperative for welfare chemical instrument was obvious due to far-flung poverty and lack of regimen security, specially in the agrarian areas.Even after sixty cinque years of Independence, a abundant percentage of Indian cosmos formally are ease subsisting below poverty line and incidents of acute diet danger continue to occur. Since 1985 Kal ahandi has been more or less uninterruptedly detriment from victuals for thought crisis of alarming dimensions and proportions, officially and disarmingly draw as drought, but unofficially, by critics, as famine. The politics of nomenclature apart, Kalahandi has function a metaphor for hunger in several other districts in the more backward cumulation areas of south-western Orissa.The most ugly part of the Kalahandi starving issue was highlighted by the Baidyanath Mishra Commission Report that attributed starvation deaths in the region to a set of issues including corruption, fraud, misuse, wastefulness, and mismanagement of development. Enhancing intellectual nourishment security at the kinsfolk level is an issue of gigantic importance for developing soil like India where millions of poor father from lack of purchasing power and malnutrition. Right to nutrition is a part of an overall aim of achieving the right to development.Attainment of self-sufficiency of foodgrains at the national level is one of the big achievements in post-independence period. later on remaining a food deficit country for slightly two decades after independence, India has non only run low self-sufficing in foodgrains but immediately has a surplus of foodgrains. disrespect many poverty backup programs initiated since the time of Indira Gandhi, poverty solace system one of the appertains and state and central governments urgency to look into it. Employment guarantee schemes like NREGA bring some rely even though stiff implementation stay more often than non unaddressed.India has make significant progress in fostering high levels of economic and industrial development. still when it comes to social departure in India, four sets of causal conditions have usually combined in different bearings in different areas to produce skirmish and violence. First is the tutelage of socialisation or cultural dilution and unfulfilled national aspiration. Second is the attend to of modernization by motivator vast- shield migrations and by aggrandizement standards of literacy and aspirations.This mathematical process of modernization has non only forced ethnical groups to live closely together and to compete for rewards and resources, but has also sharpened their sociopolitical awareness and change magnitude their capacity to mobilize for joint action. The third reason is odds-on development, poverty, exploitation, lack of opportunity, and threats to live group privileges. Finally, political f agents such as endemic bad governance, the gain of anti-secular forces, institutional decay, and vote-bank politics have also contributed to bombastic subdue ethnic conflicts.The role of bunch media has cause more valuable in today’s context. Mass media has play a positive role in highlighting issues of public bushel such as corruption, electoral malpractices, and economic unstableness. Anti-corruption movement launched by social crusader Anna Hazare could become successful due to large cuticle involvement of nap media. On the flipside politicization and commercialization of mediums of mess media don’t tonality rosy picture for the twenty-five percent pillar of Indian democracy. some other area where we need to work is the social security for nonunionized workers.The social security problems for un nonionic workers in India can be divided into two sets of problems. The first is the capability deprivation in terms of inadequate employment, low earnings, poor health, and educational term which are related to everyday deprivation of poorer sections of the state. The second is the failure in the sense of absence seizure of adequate fall back mechanisms to meet contingencies such as ill health, accident, death, and old age. cardinal and state governments also need to focus on social sector by ensuring larger allocation for such expenditure.On valet development index India is non comfortab ly placed either. baby mortality rate carcass one of the major issues. The relative relative incidence of child labor is among the highest in the world. Women have significantly higher(prenominal)(prenominal) morbidity and mortality evaluate than men. Though we have make significant inroads in achieving great literacy, the numbers don’t sound adequate. clement development conditions are particularly flagrant in four blue states, Bihar, Rajasthan, UP, and Madhya Pradesh. It becomes apparent that our democratic aspirations are only partly realized.Large scale corruption, communalism, electoral malpractices, perverted forms of Muslim and Hindu radicalism, sponsored terrorism, regional separationist insurgencies, corporate-political nexus, apart from many other things, have been obstructing the India’s tour along the path of democracy. finished a series of economic reforms India has made its presence at international stage, but marginalized sections of Indian soc iety are unless to reap substantial benefits from it. immobile political volition is inevitable to put us in the forefront of successful democratic nations.We also need to get rid of the corrupt pecking order of bureaucratic structure because it acts as a hinderance to the implementation of welfare programs. As the citizen of a democratic nation what hurts me most is the deep rooted corruption, not only because it has become an recitation of power and impunity for many, but also because it has made its locus in the minds of people where it has become standardized. We spent enough time firing the bucks as to which apparatus/ apparatuses of our social, economic and political systems has/have failed us as the democratic nation.It is not the time to retrospect what we achieved as a democratic nation in the long locomote so far, rather it is self-contemplation time for each participant of democracy including politicians, bureaucrats, and off vogue the most powerful people. This self-examination lead surely bring the urgency among actors to realize the obligation they owe to the democratic construction of India that is standing tall after having weathered challenging times since independence. Spread of education and issue of political, social, and economic consciousness among citizens give me promise that India depart late inch closer to aline herself ith the nerve centre of professedly democratic values and ideals. I will choose to finish this multiple sclerosis on a positive note by divergence away back to the famous bring up of Harry Emerson Fosdick … â€Å" republic is ground upon the conviction that there are extra median(a) possibilities in ordinary people. ” Bibliography 1. Mehta, P. B. , The preventive of land . Penguin Books, revolutionary-fashioned Delhi, 2003 2. Frankrel, F. R. , Indias political economy, 1947-2004: The Gradual alteration. capital of the United Kingdom: Oxford University Press, 2005 3. ibid 4. Karanjia, R. K. , Mind of Mr. Nehru,capital of the United Kingdom: Allen & Unwin, 1961 5.Kaviraj, Sudipta, â€Å"A critique of the nonoperational whirling,” economics and policy-making hebdomadary 23 (Nov 1988): 2433 6. Chandra, Bipin, Mukherjee, Aditya, Mukherjee, Mridula. India after Independence, Penguin Books, sore Delhi, 1999 7. Ganguly, Sumit, Diamond, Larry and Plattner, Marc F. , The severalise of India’s democracy , Oxford University Press, 2009 8. Yadav, Yogendra, â€Å"electoral government activity in the duration of Change: India’s third electoral System, 1998-99,” economics and political hebdomadal, August 21-28, 1999 9. Mehta, P. B. , The interference of democracy , Penguin Books, bran-new Delhi, 2003 10.Genteman, Amelia, Killings in Delhi slum give: Unequal justice for India’s Poor,” International herald Tribune, January 6, 2007 11. See the National military personnel Rights Commission Report for 2004-20 05, uncommitted at www. nhrc. nic. in 12. Jayal, NirajaGopal, ed. , res publica in India Oxford University Press, late Delhi 13 Ganguly, Sumit â€Å"The Crisis of Indian Secularism,” Journal of nation 14, October 2003 14. see Ganguly, Diamond, Plattner 15. see Jayal 16. see Jayal 17. see Jayal 18. Dev, S. Mahendra, Inclusive addition in India: Agriculture, Poverty, and Developoment Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2011 19. ee Ganguly, Diamond, Plattner 20. See Dev 21. Atul Kohli, ed. , â€Å"The Success of India’s republic,” Cambridge University Press, New Delhi, 2011 ——————————————†[ 1 ]. P. B. Mehta, The nub of land (Penguin Books, New Delhi, 2003), 106-107 [ 2 ]. F. R. Frankel, Indias political economy, 1947-2004: The Gradual Revolution (London: Oxford University Press, 2005), 4 [ 3 ]. F. R. Frankel, Indias political economy, 1947-2004: The Gradual Revolu tion (London: Oxford University Press, 2005), 25 [ 4 ]. R. K. Karanjia, Mind of Mr. Nehru (London: Allen & Unwin, 1961), 100-101 [ 5 ]. Sudipta kaviraj. A critique of the unresisting Revolution,” Economics and semipolitical Weekly 23 (Nov 1988): 2433 [ 6 ]. Bipan Chandra, Aditya Mukherjee, Mridula Mukherjee. India after Independence (Penguin Books, New Delhi, 1999), Chapters 11, 13 [ 7 ]. Sumit Ganguly, Larry Diamond, and Marc F. Plattner, The evince of India’s Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2009), xviii-xix [ 8 ]. Yogendra yadav, â€Å"electoral Politics in the magazine of Change: India’s third base electoral System, 1998-99,” Economics and policy-making Weekly (August 21-28, 1999): 2393-99 [ 9 ]. P. B. Mehta, The bear down of Democracy (Penguin Books, New Delhi, 2003), 168-169 [ 10 ].Amelia Genteman, Killings in Delhi spend fall in: Unequal umpire for India’s Poor,” International make known Tribune (January 6, 2007) [ 11 ]. See the National gentlemans gentleman Rights Commission Report for 2004-2005, visible(prenominal) at www. nhrc. nic. in [ 12 ]. NirajaGopal Jayal, ed. , Democracy in India (Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 170 [ 13 ]. Sumit Ganguly, â€Å"The Crisis of Indian Secularism,” Journal of Democracy 14 (October 2003): 11-25 [ 14 ]. Sumit Ganguly, Larry Diamond, and Marc F. Plattner, The country of India’s Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2009), xxi-xxii [ 15 ]. Jayal, 198 [ 16 ]. Jayal, 199 [ 17 ].NirajaGopal Jayal, ed. , Democracy in India (Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 200 [ 18 ]. S. Mahendra Dev, Inclusive result in India: Agriculture, Poverty, and Developoment (Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 201), 101-103 [ 19 ]. Sumit Ganguly, Larry Diamond, and Marc F. Plattner, The landed estate of India’s Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2009), 49 [ 20 ]. S. Mahendra Dev, Inclusive harvest-feast in India: Agriculture, Poverty, and Developoment (Oxfo rd University Press, New Delhi, 2011), 201-202 [ 21 ]. Atul Kohli, ed. , â€Å"The Success of India’s Democracy (Cambridge University Press, New Delhi, 2011), 211\r\nIndian Democracy at Crossroad\r\nAvinash Shankar MAD12015 Politics Essay: 2 field Can post-colonial Indias political exist be characterized as touching towards becoming more democratic Democracy, the form of government where commanding power is directly or indirectly vested in people, has become a global communication that can be gauged from the fact that many post-colonial countries have choose it with remarkable success.The dramatic global expansion of democracy in the last few decades in post-colonial countries speak volume of this most popular form of representative government. The ever fluctuating political dynamics coupled with changing socio-economic patterns since Independence has given impudent meanings to Indian democracy at each stage of its feeler. India patrimonial a colonial state and kept much of its surgical operation architecture intact. Much of state practice, despite its wide quantitative expansion, is heavily governed by statute passed somewhere between 1860 and 1947.During the 65-years of long journey, India as a nation has witnessed moments wherein democracy looked to find its true meaning, while moments like national emergency during Indira Gandhi’s regime qualify as the unmeasurable low that India touched as democratic nation. Adoption of socialist pattern, the middle path between capitalism and communism, at the early stage of our independence and a series of economic reforms that began in 1980s were primarily targeted at delivering the true essence of democracy in social, economic, and political spheres.This motif is an attempt to answer how Abraham capital of Nebraska’s notion of democracy as a government of the people, by the people and for the people has been put to test in India on different social, political, and economic parameter s at different stages of its progression since independence and whether ever changing political, social and economic dynamics have brought India closer to true democratic model. India retained a deep commitment to principles of parliamentary government during the three decades after independence. Indian leaders described their approach planning nder a democratic pattern of socialism as a impertinent model for Asian and African development. India’s first acme Minister Jawaharlal Nehru who set the counsel of India’s development during the first fifteen years of drop outdom, pointed to his country as an area of transcription between opposing ideologies of capitalism on the hand and the communism on the other. Under his leadership, the commitment to democratic social regeneration was an integral part of India’s development strategy. Nehru also tried to incorporate Gandhian ideals of social reforms in his development programs.Nehru communicate of this mode of development as a third way which takes best from all existing systemsâ€the Russian, the American, and sought to create something worthy to one’s own history and philosophy. In the dissilient stage of Independence, the Nehruvian socialist model of development seemed to have worked well within the social and economic framework of India. But Nehru too had to face many challenges in the implementation of his development model. Nehru’s attempt to bring estimable bourgeois land reforms was bilk through a crew of feudal resistance, judicial conservatism, and tacit consent of state Congress leaderships.Although Congress was content to accept the continuance of semi-feudal rural power, it adopted kettle of fishive plans for capitalist movement. Consistent with this commonplace objective, the ruling elite adopted a plan for obese industrialization and institutional control of capital goods industries through the state sector, a for the most part unseasoned experime nt at the time in the underdeveloped countries. Indira Gandhi who became Prime Minister after Nehru’s demise gave a new populist dimension to Indian politics.The shift of the Congress to populist politics quickly set up a new structure of political communication in which Indira could directly appeal to electorates. While populist endeavors like Garibi Hatao (remove poverty) and nationalization of banks brought her good name, she has often been criticized for changing the Congress into a highly centralized and tyrannical party organization, from the earlier federal, democratic, and ideological formation that Nehru had led. Indira’s regime, in my opinion, was the beginning of the stage when India started to show its meaningful presence internationally.Creation of Bangladesh was the beginning of the India’s assertiveness at international level. Nuclear test conducted in 1974 was the extension of this assertiveness. ironically Indira’s regime will also go overmaster in history for bringing disrepute to democracy by imposing emergency in the most undemocratic manner. perhaps it was the first blow to the essence of democratic model that India followed since independence. The manner in which rights and liberties, the two Copernican tenets of democracy, were suspended during emergency reminds us how an authoritarian regime can play havoc in people’s minds.The emergency perhaps was the turning point in the Indian democratic history because it paved the way for major political and social shift. It was perhaps the trigger that led to the end of absolute majority era and ignited the undercurrent of regional politics contend largely around order and religious lines. Easwaran Sridharan and M. V. Rajeev Gowda however swear that the end of Congress’s dominance and fragmentation of the party system have stop short of undermining the basic power-sharing characteristics of the system and have indeed contributed to democratic cons olidation.While the seeds for the decline of one-power dominance were place during Indira’s regime it became more apparent during Rajiv Gandhi’s incumbency as the Prime Minister of India. Some scholars however view that the decline of one-party dominance and the emergence of a large number of smaller or regional parties which ensure that state-level elections are vigorously contested have had positive effects on competition. These developments represent political empowerment of historically marginalized groups and reflect favorably on the vibrancy of political entrepreneurship.I feel that mushrooming of small regional parties can also be attributed to effect of anti-defection law enacted during Rajiv’s regime. Emergence of regional parties has also led to political instability due to opportunist positioning shown by these parties time and again. Rajiv act to bring party reforms and retrace Congress as an organized party. He also played a vital role in tack ling Punjab problem that sham alarming proportion during Indira’s regime. Rajiv can also be credited for bringing complete status to Panchayati Raj, one of most important tenets of Indian democracy.During Rajiv’s regime too the essence of democracy looked dismantled characterized by high-scale violence against the Sikh federation in the aftermath of Indira’s assassination. Coalition politics gained nerve impulse after Rajiv’s assassination in 1991. Caste and religion became the driver and determinants of Indian politics thereafter. Anti-reservation protest in the aftermath of the implementation of Mandal Commission is the destitute reminder of the despair that results when the advocates for meritocracy lose their battle against the saviors of petty grade politics.Hindu nationalist forces too jumped the bandwagon soon and tried to establish their presence in the Indian political arena through much talked about Ram Janmabhumi agenda. We are also witne ssing a prototype shift in the redistributive politics wherein leftist forces are dexterous with a kind of statism that protects the state sector even if it style stifling the rest of economy. On the other hand the proponents of Mandal fear that rolling back the state on economic reform issues at the moment when reverse Castes (BCs) are getting price of admission to its resources would be exercise in bad faith.Of late, globalization and economic reforms have given a new dimension to Indian politics, and for that matter to Indian democracy. schooling has become the main political agenda pushing rank and religion gimmicks on the backburner. policy-making results in two consecutive elections in Bihar mark the double shift in people’s voting pattern. It shows how voters are trumping the populist agenda in favor of developmental agenda. It augurs well for Indian democracy. The prove paragraphs discuss at length achievements, challenges and issues that India faces as dem ocratic nation.Despite the capacious success of the Indian state in holding free and fair elections, sustaining a free press, and dramatically expanding the franschise, the abuse of irresponsible state power remains one of the major problems. oftentimes such power is used arbitrarily against the poor, minorities, and those who dare to challenge the state’s writ. Furthermore, police abuses are more pronounced in poorer states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, where standards of business are sorely lacking. The leaven from such states of rampant deaths in police custody underscores the somberness of this ill.India as a democratic nation has underachieved when it comes to protecting pityingkind rights. Armed Forces Special Powers Act 1990 was aimed at containing ethno-religious insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir. It allows armed forces to conduct counter-insurgency operations. Under the garb of this act, security forces often resort to extrajudicial killings. The 2002 stripe o f Terrorism Activities Act (POTA), that came into man in the aftermath of a series of terror acts, was sometimes used against political opponents and also infringed upon the individual rights and civil liberties of Indian citizen.The secular structure of Indian democracy also looked be on many occasions. The scheme of secularism has increasingly been under threat as communal political orientation and political forces have come to enjoy great buy in society and the polity. The demolition of Babri Masjid engineered by Hindu nationalist forces like Bajrang Dal, RSS, and VHP, doesn’t augur well for the secular structure of the country.The Hindu nationalists’ opposition to secularism became evident in a number of different arenas, ranging from a systematic attempt to alter history and socio-science science textbooks to party leaders’ willingness to countenance widespread state-sanctioned violence against Muslims, especially during bloody disturbances that r ocked the western state of Gujrat. On the positive side, the growth of a plethora of nongovernmental organizations (NGO) focused on development, along with the growing connection of hitherto quiescent groups, are gradually resulting in a political system that is more accountable to the citizenry.The roles NGOs are acting have the potential to reshape the much mandatory developmental path. In times to come, NGOs will play much meaningful role by representing face of common people largely ignored by political entities. However politicization and financial irregularities rampant at these rapidly multiplying NGOs could act as a deterrent to the primary objectives that these nonprofits stand for. At Independence, the imperative for welfare mechanism was obvious due to widespread poverty and lack of food security, specially in the rural areas.Even after sixty fin years of Independence, a large percentage of Indian population officially are lull subsisting below poverty line and incide nts of acute food danger continue to occur. Since 1985 Kalahandi has been more or less uninterruptedly excruciation from food crisis of alarming dimensions and proportions, officially and disarmingly described as drought, but unofficially, by critics, as famine. The politics of nomenclature apart, Kalahandi has become a metaphor for hunger in several other districts in the more backward cumulation areas of south-western Orissa.The most ugly part of the Kalahandi starvation issue was highlighted by the Baidyanath Mishra Commission Report that attributed starvation deaths in the region to a set of issues including corruption, fraud, misuse, wastefulness, and mismanagement of development. Enhancing food security at the mob level is an issue of great importance for developing country like India where millions of poor run across from lack of purchasing power and malnutrition. Right to food is a part of an overall aspiration of achieving the right to development.Attainment of self-su fficiency of foodgrains at the national level is one of the big achievements in post-independence period. aft(prenominal) remaining a food deficit country for about two decades after independence, India has not only become self-sustaining in foodgrains but right away has a surplus of foodgrains. Despite many poverty alleviation programs initiated since the time of Indira Gandhi, poverty keep mum remains one of the concerns and state and central governments need to look into it. Employment guarantee schemes like NREGA bring some hope even though useful implementation remains largely unaddressed.India has made significant progress in fostering high levels of economic and industrial development. But when it comes to ethnic conflict in India, four sets of causal conditions have usually combined in different ways in different areas to produce conflict and violence. First is the fear of engrossment or cultural dilution and unfulfilled national aspiration. Second is the process of mo dernization by inducing large-scale migrations and by summit standards of literacy and aspirations.This process of modernization has not only forced ethnic groups to live closely together and to compete for rewards and resources, but has also sharpened their sociopolitical awareness and increase their capacity to mobilize for incorporated action. The third reason is unequal development, poverty, exploitation, lack of opportunity, and threats to existing group privileges. Finally, political factors such as endemic bad governance, the growth of anti-secular forces, institutional decay, and vote-bank politics have also contributed to large scale ethnic conflicts.The role of muss media has become more important in today’s context. Mass media has played a positive role in highlighting issues of public concern such as corruption, electoral malpractices, and economic instability. Anti-corruption movement launched by social crusader Anna Hazare could become successful due to larg e scale involvement of mass media. On the flipside politicization and commercialization of mediums of mass media don’t key fruit rosy picture for the fourth pillar of Indian democracy. other area where we need to work is the social security for unformed workers.The social security problems for unorganized workers in India can be divided into two sets of problems. The first is the capability deprivation in terms of inadequate employment, low earnings, poor health, and educational status which are related to general deprivation of poorer sections of the population. The second is the harm in the sense of absence of adequate fall back mechanisms to meet contingencies such as ill health, accident, death, and old age. primaeval and state governments also need to focus on social sector by ensuring larger allocation for such expenditure.On human development index India is not comfortably placed either. infant mortality rate remains one of the major issues. The incidence of chi ld labor is among the highest in the world. Women have significantly higher morbidity and mortality rates than men. Though we have made significant inroads in achieving greater literacy, the numbers don’t sound adequate. military personnel development conditions are particularly gross in four northerly states, Bihar, Rajasthan, UP, and Madhya Pradesh. It becomes apparent that our democratic aspirations are only partly realized.Large scale corruption, communalism, electoral malpractices, perverted forms of Muslim and Hindu radicalism, sponsored terrorism, regional separatist insurgencies, corporate-political nexus, apart from many other things, have been obstructing the India’s journey along the path of democracy. by a series of economic reforms India has made its presence at international stage, but marginalized sections of Indian society are even so to reap substantial benefits from it. salutary political will is needed to put us in the forefront of successful de mocratic nations.We also need to get rid of the corrupt power structure of bureaucratic structure because it acts as a deterrent to the implementation of welfare programs. As the citizen of a democratic nation what hurts me most is the deep rooted corruption, not only because it has become an exercise of power and impunity for many, but also because it has made its locus in the minds of people where it has become standardized. We spent enough time super the bucks as to which apparatus/ apparatuses of our social, economic and political systems has/have failed us as the democratic nation.It is not the time to retrospect what we achieved as a democratic nation in the long journey so far, rather it is self-contemplation time for each actor of democracy including politicians, bureaucrats, and off course the most powerful people. This introspection will surely bring the urgency among actors to realize the righteousness they owe to the democratic edifice of India that is standing tall after having weathered challenging times since independence. Spread of education and emergence of political, social, and economic consciousness among citizens give me hope that India will behind inch closer to line up herself ith the essence of true democratic values and ideals. I will choose to finish this holograph on a positive note by going back to the famous summons of Harry Emerson Fosdick … â€Å"Democracy is base upon the conviction that there are extraordinary possibilities in ordinary people. ” Bibliography 1. Mehta, P. B. , The Burden of Democracy . Penguin Books, New Delhi, 2003 2. Frankrel, F. R. , Indias political economy, 1947-2004: The Gradual Revolution. London: Oxford University Press, 2005 3. ibid 4. Karanjia, R. K. , Mind of Mr. Nehru,London: Allen & Unwin, 1961 5.Kaviraj, Sudipta, â€Å"A critique of the Passive Revolution,” Economics and Political Weekly 23 (Nov 1988): 2433 6. Chandra, Bipin, Mukherjee, Aditya, Mukherjee, Mridula. India after Independence, Penguin Books, New Delhi, 1999 7. Ganguly, Sumit, Diamond, Larry and Plattner, Marc F. , The State of India’s Democracy , Oxford University Press, 2009 8. Yadav, Yogendra, â€Å"Electoral Politics in the prison term of Change: India’s ternion Electoral System, 1998-99,” Economics and Political Weekly, August 21-28, 1999 9. Mehta, P. B. , The Burden of Democracy , Penguin Books, New Delhi, 2003 10.Genteman, Amelia, Killings in Delhi Slum Expose: Unequal Justice for India’s Poor,” International Herald Tribune, January 6, 2007 11. See the National Human Rights Commission Report for 2004-2005, usable at www. nhrc. nic. in 12. Jayal, NirajaGopal, ed. , Democracy in India Oxford University Press, New Delhi 13 Ganguly, Sumit â€Å"The Crisis of Indian Secularism,” Journal of Democracy 14, October 2003 14. see Ganguly, Diamond, Plattner 15. see Jayal 16. see Jayal 17. see Jayal 18. Dev, S. Mahendra, Inclusive harvesting in India: Agriculture, Poverty, and Developoment Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2011 19. ee Ganguly, Diamond, Plattner 20. See Dev 21. Atul Kohli, ed. , â€Å"The Success of India’s Democracy,” Cambridge University Press, New Delhi, 2011 ——————————————†[ 1 ]. P. B. Mehta, The Burden of Democracy (Penguin Books, New Delhi, 2003), 106-107 [ 2 ]. F. R. Frankel, Indias political economy, 1947-2004: The Gradual Revolution (London: Oxford University Press, 2005), 4 [ 3 ]. F. R. Frankel, Indias political economy, 1947-2004: The Gradual Revolution (London: Oxford University Press, 2005), 25 [ 4 ]. R. K. Karanjia, Mind of Mr. Nehru (London: Allen & Unwin, 1961), 100-101 [ 5 ]. Sudipta kaviraj. A critique of the Passive Revolution,” Economics and Political Weekly 23 (Nov 1988): 2433 [ 6 ]. Bipan Chandra, Aditya Mukherjee, Mridula Mukherjee. India after Independence (Pe nguin Books, New Delhi, 1999), Chapters 11, 13 [ 7 ]. Sumit Ganguly, Larry Diamond, and Marc F. Plattner, The State of India’s Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2009), xviii-xix [ 8 ]. Yogendra yadav, â€Å"Electoral Politics in the snip of Change: India’s three Electoral System, 1998-99,” Economics and Political Weekly (August 21-28, 1999): 2393-99 [ 9 ]. P. B. Mehta, The Burden of Democracy (Penguin Books, New Delhi, 2003), 168-169 [ 10 ].Amelia Genteman, Killings in Delhi Slum Expose: Unequal Justice for India’s Poor,” International Herald Tribune (January 6, 2007) [ 11 ]. See the National Human Rights Commission Report for 2004-2005, useable at www. nhrc. nic. in [ 12 ]. NirajaGopal Jayal, ed. , Democracy in India (Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 170 [ 13 ]. Sumit Ganguly, â€Å"The Crisis of Indian Secularism,” Journal of Democracy 14 (October 2003): 11-25 [ 14 ]. Sumit Ganguly, Larry Diamond, and Marc F. Plattner, The State of I ndia’s Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2009), xxi-xxii [ 15 ]. Jayal, 198 [ 16 ]. Jayal, 199 [ 17 ].NirajaGopal Jayal, ed. , Democracy in India (Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 200 [ 18 ]. S. Mahendra Dev, Inclusive Growth in India: Agriculture, Poverty, and Developoment (Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 201), 101-103 [ 19 ]. Sumit Ganguly, Larry Diamond, and Marc F. Plattner, The State of India’s Democracy (Oxford University Press, 2009), 49 [ 20 ]. S. Mahendra Dev, Inclusive Growth in India: Agriculture, Poverty, and Developoment (Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2011), 201-202 [ 21 ]. Atul Kohli, ed. , â€Å"The Success of India’s Democracy (Cambridge University Press, New Delhi, 2011), 211\r\n'